Changes

The population increased and exceeded ten million inhabitants in the 18th century, but changes in the territorial distribution took place. The inland areas, except for Madrid, suffered continuous negative rates for more than a century (''[[:File:XXXSpain_The-urban-world-and-population-density-at-the-late-18th-century_1750-1799_map_17068_eng.jpg|The Urban World and Population Density at the late 18th Century]]'' map and ''[[:File:XXXSpain_Population-and-density-population-in-the-first-third-of-the-19th-century_1800-1830_map_15693_eng.jpg|Population and Population Density in the First Third of the 19th Century]]'' maps) while the outskirts were thriving: Gijón, Ferrol, Vigo, Cartagena, Jerez de la Frontera, San Fernando, etc. This was possible thanks to the progress in medicine, hygiene, increased agricultural production, [https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ocr_Qflmjps new towns] founded by the State, the arrival of technicians and foreign residents, the creation of industries, among other reasons.<br>

The war against Napoleon, who came to Spain to place his brother on the throne in Madrid (''[[:File:XXXSpain_The-Spanish-War-of-Independence.-French-occupation_1808-1814_map_16797_eng.jpg|The Spanish War of Independence]]'' map, also known as Peninsular War), brought the emergence of the first Constitution of Spain, in a besieged, progressive and liberal Cádiz. It also led to the appearance of guerrillas (a term that was made universal) against the French invader, in favour either of the absolutist king or of the liberals. The guerrillas from one side or the other continued until the mid-twenties, according to the ruling ideology. In the thirties, Infante Don Carlos, who supported a monarchy that was absolutist, ''foralista'' and with a male sucession line, refused to accept his niece Isabella as the Queen. His reluctance was even increased because she was beign supported by de liberals. He proclaimed himself King (Charles V). A long and cruel seven years war started ([https://www.lavanguardia.com/historiayvida/historia-contemporanea/20181126/47313683261/asi-nacio-el-carlismo-en-espana.html The Great Carlist War] ''[[:File:XXXSpain_The-great-Carlist-War_1833-1840_map_17070_eng.jpg|map]]''). The Convention of Bergara that ended it, started a liberal and two-party monarchy in Spain. There would be two other Carlist wars, in 1846-1849 and 1872-1876, and many attempts in 1855, 1860, 1869 and 1870.<br>

In 1853 the prohibition of emigrating to America was lifted (''[[:File:XXXSpain_Emigration-in-the-19th-century_1887_map_15702_eng.jpg|Emigration in the 19th Century]]'' map). Cuba, still Spanish, attracted the Catalan emigration. Later on, the emigration was directed to Mexico, Uruguay, Brazil and Argentina. Between 1853 and 1882, there was a high Galician emigration rate (325,000, 60% of the total), and afterwards of Canarians, Asturians and Basques. The population of the Mediterranean and Balearic coastline headed for Morocco or Algeria (about 114,000, most of all, to Oran) and of the Northeast Peninsula to Europe.<br>

The ecclesiastical confiscation of Juan Álvarez Mendizábal, who was the progressivist Treasury Minister during the regency of María Cristina, started in 1835. The goods from religious orders were confiscated and sold to the highest bidder to pay off public debt, finance the Carlist War and create an agrarian middle class with the peasants, who would then purchase the cultivated land. He also wanted to get supporters for liberal ideas and persuade the Carlist War towards the child Queen, apart from promoting the agrarian production and its trade. Between 1836 and 1837, 3,600 millions of ''reales'' (Spanish currency) were raised (''[[:File:XXXSpain_Ecclesiastical-confiscations-of-Mendizabal_1836-1837_map_15695_eng.jpg|Ecclesiastical Confiscations of Mendizabal]]'' map).<br>

The execution of the Mendizábal confiscation decrees was paralysed during the moderate decade (1844-1854, Narváez government). However, Pascual Madoz, Treasury Minister during the progressive biennium (1855-1856, government of Espartero), reactivated them with more intensity: he applied them not only for the confiscation of church property, such as in the first confiscation, but also for the communal properties from the municipalities and the ones from the State itself (''[[:File:XXXSpain_Ecclesiastical-confiscations-of-Madoz_1855-1867_map_15696_eng.jpg|Ecclesiastical Confiscations of Madoz]]'' map). They were aimed at financing railway works, promoting agrarian production and modernising the countryside.<br>

Foreign colonial companies owned the raw materials (''[[:File:XXXSpain_Large-foreign-corporations_1800-1899_map_15653_eng.jpg|Large Foreign Corporations]]'' map). Germans, Belgians and French had the mining concessions and the English controlled more than 50% of the foreign capital in many industries: forestry (cork), food (Suchard), and, of course, mining ([https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=2j7FwTxt3NA Riotinto]). From 1868 onwards (Mining Law), the State had improved its commitment with them. Zinc, copper, mercury and lead were extracted.<br>

The Spanish capital, with exceptions, such as the Marquis of Salamanca years before, settled for its agricultural ''latifundia'' (''[[:File:XXXSpain_The-large-rural-property-in-the-first-half-of-the-20th-century_1900-1931_map_15757_eng.jpg|The Large Rural Property]]'' map). Despite that, the agri-food industry sector was emerging timidly. The unresolved agricultural issue (66% of the active population) with a high number of ''jornaleros'' (landless day [http://1.bp.blogspot.com/-_xVhVGnvnJ0/Uwpp9au6SWI/AAAAAAAAIPI/nGTFuflAUrE/s1600/detalle+de+la+siega+la+recolección.jpg labourers]), temporary unemployed and mostly illiterate, caused the appearance of the revolutionary agricultural labour unions.<br>

The social issues also remained unresolved. In 1916 there were 237 strikes; in 1920 more than 1,000. The repression of the 1917 Spanish general strike (''[[:File:XXXSpain_Strikes-and-social-conflicts-in-the-first-half-of-the-20th-Century_1917-1935_map_15906_eng.jpg|Strikes and Social Conflicts]]'' map) left dozens of deaths and thousands arrested.<br>

Under the Primo de Rivera dictatorship there was a decrease in conflict due to the big public works and the collaboration of the General Union of Workers (Unión General de Trabajadores, UGT). But the situation blew up again in 1929. The National Confederation of Labour (Confederación Nacional del Trabajo, CNT) reached 700,000 affiliates during that year, and in the first years of the Republic, the UGT doubled that number. In Andalusia the peasants alliances exceeded 100,000 affiliates on the strike of 1934, wich anticipated the general revolutionary strike (''[[:File:XXXSpain_Affiliation-to-the-National-Confederation-of-Labour-in-1911_1911_map_16024_eng.jpg|Affiliation to National Confederation of Labour]]'' and ''[[:File:XXXSpain_Affiliation-to-the-Spanish-Socialist-Workers--Party-in-1919_1919_map_16025_eng.jpg|Affiliation to the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party]]'' maps).<br>

It could be said that the transition emerged in 1976 (''[[:File:XXXSpain_Referendum-on-political-reform-towards-democracy_1976_map_16023_eng.jpg|Referendum on Political Reform]]'' map), culminated in 1978 (Constitution approval), consolidated in 1979 (''[[:File:XXXSpain_Municipal-elections-of-1979.-Leftist-victory-in-provincial-capitals_1979_map_18665_eng.jpg|Municipal Elections of 1979. Leftist Victory in Provincial Capitals]]'' map) and with the disappearance of the secular military leadership after the failed coup d’état led by Tejero, became a milestone. The Socialist Party came to power and Spain became a member of NATO and the European Community. But why is it said that it emerged? The historians study how, under the tense Francoist surface, since the end of the sixties, Spain had developed a confluence of social, economic or cultural “transitions”, from which the political transition, once the dictator had died, was the inexorable end. The country was leaving behind the bipolar social division, which the old politicians –unable to overcome it– preferred to agitate. Now, in contrast, the new politics were building a free democracy for everyone. And Spain stands itself in front of its own history, 500 years after 1492, as a united nation, free from grudges, transparent, powerful and open to the world. The current Spanish generations will thus know, with the faithful memory of a former divisive past, how to effectively face the 21st century.